Friday, December 10, 2010

Whither Minority Rights in Bangladesh?

By Rabindranath Trivedi

The exodus of Hindus from East Bengal to India continued throughout the existence of Pakistan. Many Hindu Bengalis left for Calcutta after partition. Up to 1971 before the war of liberation begun over 5.3 million Hindus had sought refuge in India, mostly in West Bengal and Bangladesh surrounding states between the periods of August 1947 and 24 March 1971.

But the exodus of Hindus from East Bengal to India in 1971 was of different, the Hindus, in order to crush the Bengali nationalist movement, were targets of the Pakistan army. The Hindus as a class were to be eliminated. After 25 March till December 1971, Ten million Bengali refugees were stranded in inhuman, pitiable conditions in 825 Indian camps across the border in West Bengal, Tripura, Assam, Meghalaya, Manipur, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh .

It appeared that Yahya Khan hoped to kill two birds with one stone by creating the refugee issue. By getting rid of the Awami Leaguers and Hindus whom Yahya termed 'secessionists' and who voted massively for Sheikh Mujib, he was aiming to consolidate Pakistan as an Islamic State.

At the same time Yahya was hoping to ruin the social and economic fabric of the eastern part of India, which was in bad shape, by inflicting staggering numbers of refugees on it. The population of Hindu minority has declined from 15% (1974) to 10% (2001). Our former Hindu leaders and generation in East Bengal began their life in the peculiar political environment of communal hatred, distrust and disgrace.

The Hindu leadership in the Constitutional Assembly in Feb.1948 conceived the historic State-Language issue. It was the Hindu Leadership (1947-54) as the Leader and member of the opposition led the nation in the definitive direction to the constitution, parliament and democracy. Hindu Leadership had abandoned the separate electorate system and their advocacy for the joint electoral system was a milestone in our national history. If there were no joint electoral system in 1970, Bangladesh would not have her genesis as a Republic in 1971.

In Bangladesh, the Hindu minority becomes the coveted enemy under Vested Property Act. Many believed that the agony of the Hindus would be over and they would regain their lost honour with the liberation of Bangladesh in December 1971.

It was entirely a mistaken notion. By and large, the successive Governments in liberated Bangladesh have followed the same policy as was pursued and practiced by Pakistan towards her Hindu and other minorities. So, we are to think over the issue meticulously and should sort out rationally for ameliorating the grievances of the minorities in Bangladesh.

After August 1975, the process of Islamisation during General Zia and Ershad regimes in Bangladesh renewed the flow of minorities due to unequal application of Law, humiliation, discrimination in service and violation of human rights. The fate of the minorities remains under the same wheels even in 2010. The crux of the problem is the Eighth Amendment, whereby Gen. H.M. Ershad converted the country into an Islamic Republic and made Islam the State Religion. Another Black Law is the Enemy (now Vested) Property Act of 1965, which remains on the statute book and is being miss-used to confiscate the property of Hindus.

This is a key reason for the continuous migration of Hindus from the country. Therefore, what we are sincerely demanding is the restoration of the Constitution of 1972, a Minority Rights Commission, and freedom of religion with the removal of Islam as State Religion, and a crackdown on the incidents of human trafficking.

Dr Akbar Ali Khan opined: “If Islam is considered as an essential component of Bangladeshi Nationalism, the role of the minority community in the political life of Bangladesh needs to be delineated. Total Hindu population in Bangladesh exceeds the population of Muslim majority countries like Yemen Republic, Jordan, Tajikistan, Syrian Arab Republic, Tunisia, Oman etc. Politicians in Bangladesh must, therefore, come to grips with this inescapable reality.”(Dr Akbar Ali Khan, Discovery of Bangladesh: Explorations into Dynamics of a Hidden Nation, U P L, P151-52).

Bangladesh is second largest Hindu populated country in the world. They need reservation through Constitutional proviso. They want empowerment and social justice as equal citizens of the Republic. For this, representation of the minority communities in the registration of parties and voters must be ensured. The justice and electoral system must work equally for those in the mainstream as well as for those say for example, in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. A failure to do so would result in making the same mistakes that we have been making since the birth of this nation i.e. failing to place justice at the core of our nation-building efforts. Abdul Gaffer Chowdhury , a senior columnist, rightly said that " Bangladeshi " means the Muslim citizens of the land others like Hindu, Buddhists ,Christians and tribal origins are align citizens, they would be absorbed in the majority community by conversion or make them compelled to leave

So the Awami League government’s planning to restore 'secularism', one of the four original principles of state policy, in its constitution and will also retain the Quranic expression ‘bismillah’ without recognizing other religions would be a great bluff and theocratic design in the name of democracy and rule of law and human rights. M J Akbar opined:’ Islam did not make Pakistan a natural democracy; nor did Hinduism turn Nepal into one. Buddhism has not ensured democracy in Burma; its generals bow their head while greeting and still remain autocrats in uniform. Indian Muslims are the only Muslims in the world to have enjoyed more than five decades of uninterrupted, unconditional, adult franchise democracy. They, a section of Muslims, remain marginalised economically, but the polity has empowered them vigorously.

India is unique because of the ideology that won it freedom from the British: a commitment to multi-cultural equality and a celebration of the unequivocal rights of individual and collective. (The New Nation, 18 Dec. 2007) The Hindus in Bangladesh participated in the Liberation War and sacrificed a lot for Bangladesh with the expectation that in the newly liberated country, nation-state Bangladesh, they would enjoy equal status and rights along with the majority Muslim community. The sacrifices of the Hindu leadership were never acknowledged either officially or publicly. Moreover, In Bangladesh, Bengali, Hindu and India are equated with a typical psyche by the ruling cliché.

We have witnessed various periods of military and democratic rule in Bangladesh’s history and yet we have not learnt from history. The future of Bangladesh depends on how we can strengthen and give institutional shape to democracy, rule of law and human rights .That is of essence. Prof. Abdur Razzaque said,“What compounds the situation arises from the fact that no nation today is an island.

Bangladesh and its nation is of course not. It is link in a chain which is worldwide. Economically, politically, in the world of technology and of ideas, Bangladesh is an insignificant but vitally connected link in a chain.

Because it is so small and insignificant, ideas, impulses and practices which dominate or shape the world merely affect us, are acts of God over which we have no control. Whether we like it or not what happens in India is of vital importance to Bangladesh and not the other way about. What happens in Bangladesh is only of marginal importance and interest to India. It is concerting but a hard fact of life. " ( Abdur Razzaq,1980,p-17)The existing literature on the history of Bangladesh underplays not only the inner contradictions of the Muslims of Bengal, but also other significant features of her past. It's a 'crisis of confidence'. But in practice, the persecution of the minorities continued even after independence.The forms of oppression upon the minorities both physically and psychologically is manifold:

Constitutionally: by adopting 5th and 8th amendment to the Constitution, minorities have been downgraded and made them second class citizens in the People’s Republic of Bangladesh;

Economically, they have been crippled through discriminatory laws and practices; they have been made non-entity in different civil services including, administration, Foreign, army and police (below 2%) and other services including education;

Politically, they have been segregated and alienated from the mainstream and become a ‘vote-bank’ and become a subject of humiliation; They are totally deprived of the privileges of participation in the top positions of government as well the state; and Culturally and socially, they along with place of warship and women are insecure; Their ancestral properties lying vested with the government including Devuttur properties, though the supreme court (Appellate Division) and the High Court of Bangladesh declare those laws illegal.

A number of eminent personalities including 13 parliament members of minority community signed the memorandum with a 7-point demand and submitted to the prime minister’s office one seeking changes to ''Vested Property Return (amendment) Act'' in light of the Supreme Court verdict, reports the Daily Star.

It may be mentioned here that the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court in a judgment in 2006 said :“ Since the law of enemy property itself died with the repeal of Ordinance No.1 of 1969 on 23 -3-1974 no further vested property case can be started thereafter on the basis of the law which is already dead.

Accordingly, there is no basis at all to treat the case land as vested property upon started VP Case (58 DLR 2006 pp 177-185) .The Awami League Hindu lawmakers placed their other demands include a clear definition of vested property on the basis of Supreme Court's orders, return of all properties grabbed after 1974 and formation of tribunals at districts to dispose of the cases.

Human Rights Congress for Bangladesh minorities (HRCBM) was constituted on December 10,2004 to campaign for the rights of the minorities who have been denied their fundamental rights and are placed in a disadvantageous position economically, administratively, socially and politically; our mission is to blend human rights advocacy with humanitarian services and sustainable development; so that minorities may prosper in free and fair atmosphere and may make full contribution towards national development, international peace and cooperation in keeping with the progressive aspirations of the mankind.

HRCBM will oppose unlawful, fraudulent and intentional lease of Debottor Properties, Cremation Sites, Religious Institutions of minorities, grabbing of minority properties and lands with special reference to lands of indigenous people and settlement of non-locals in Chittagong Hill Tracks that directly violates the judgment in the Higher Court of Bangladesh; We will continue to support for materialization of CHT Peace Accord, and uphold principles of equity, natural justice and fundamental human rights. We have investigated more than 40 incidents of repression, torture, persecution, land-grabbing, forceful conversion, gang-rape, and demolition of temples of Minorities in various parts of Bangladesh since Sheikh Hasina came to power.Again, in the absence of reservation in the services, will not communal jealousy keep out by steady pressure or unfair exercise of patronage members of minorities who have no great political importance? We are not afraid of open persecution.

In recent years, the world community has woken up to the problems of the minorities, resulting in the adoption of several measures at the international level.

Although the sub-commission on prevention of discrimination and protection of minorities was formed as a subsidiary body of the United Nations commission on human rights as early as in 1947, new approaches towards the implementation of policies for an effective international protection of the ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities was becoming necessary.The rise of domestic conflicts around the world, resulting in suffering, displacement of people and social disruption during late Eighties and early Nineties brought minority rights into focus. The Daily Star in its an editorial opined :" Member of the minority community have reasons to be concerned over some recent incidents in which quite a few of their families came under attack Such a gross violation of rights of any segment of the society will have to be dealt with an iron hand, because that is where the real test of a democratic and pluralistic society lies. (The Daily Star editorial, 3 Sept 09) .

The most comprehensive UN human rights document devoted solely to minority rights is the Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities, adopted consensually by the UN general assembly in 1992. The declaration’s preamble states that the promotion and realization of the right of the minorities is integral to the development of society.

It asks all signatories to take necessary legislative measures to uphold the principles of the declaration. It is our sincere desire that Bangladesh, member of the United Nations, upholds the rule of law and endows upon its citizens the human rights and justice guaranteed under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Meghna Guhathakurta opined on the Occasion of 60th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 10, December 2008: “The future of the rights movement in Bangladesh rests on equal participation of all sections of the people. This particularly refers to minorities; religious, ethnic, caste-based, and linguistic who in times of trouble, find themselves in a position to defend respectively their physical, economic and cultural rights to life, land and traditions, rights that has been promised to them by the Constitution of this country. Many may say that these rights pertain to the whole of humanity, why only address them in the context of minorities. True, but it is only through identifying social discrimination and ethno-racialism as social indicators of poverty and lack of justice that we can identify those very factors, which are equally responsible for the underdevelopment of minority communities as well as the hampered growth of a secular and democratic polity.”

Rabindranath Trivedi, is a Freedom Fighter, retired Additional Secretary, GoB, and presently Secretary General , Human Rights Congress for Bangladesh Minorities (HRCBM), an NGO in special consultative status with ECOSOC of the United Nations.

- Asian Tribune -

http://www.asiantribune.com/news/2010/12/09/whither-minority-rights-bangladesh

Thursday, August 12, 2010

From Independence to Holocaust

From Independence to Holocaust
Maloy Krishna Dhar
August 12, 2010

========

I was born in an affluent family in riverine East Bengal, respected and feared by the local peasantry, business community and political leaders. My father was a poet, singer, part-time politician and an ayurvedic medic. He was more of a Bedouin, a people’s man rather than the highbrow son of a zamindar.

Ours was a divided but composite Bengali society. We were divided as Hindus and Muslims and, within the Hindus, we were divided into higher and lower castes. Maybe inspired by my father, I flouted the family rules and befriended Muslim and low caste children of my age, which was frowned upon.

I cared little. My favourite was Rani didi, daughter of Mukund, a fisherman. My other close friends were Lutfa and Jasim, the children of our family retainer Rahman.

Life was as free as the rivers Meghna and Brahmaputra and as green as the lush fields around. We were happy to be Bengali - culturally, linguistically and traditionally bonded together for eons.

Father, in pursuit of his political activity, moved around with his friends, tried to keep the people together and maintain peace in the community, despite war cries for separation and creation of Pakistan by the Muslim League. This call was opposed by Hindu Mahasabha and the followers of Subhas Bose. Father oscillated between Bose’s Bengal Volunteer Force and his erstwhile revolutionary friends. They opposed partition.

We were not worried about partition till July-August 1946. At the age of seven, I was told that Jinnah had given call for Direct Action and there could be large-scale communal violence.
That was the first time I heard about the communal divide. I could not make any sense of it, till the extended family boarded trains to Tripura, the nearest princely state, for safety. Agartala, the capital town, provided physical safety and new tribal friends brought in some soul relief.
Seven was not the age for understanding realpolitik, communal divide and sudden rupture in the community.

After a boring month in hiding, Agartala frustrated me. Father’s politically active friends beseeched him to return to our hometown and resume activities against disruptive programmes of the Muslim League.

He was an earnest believer in united Bengal. He and his band of friends frenetically moved around to arouse opinion of different political leaders. To their dismay, they found that Congress, the major opponent of Muslim League, had accepted Jinnah’s demand for partition.
Father decided to stay put and not leave Pakistan for the uncertain safety of a new India. I was also attuned to the India which I knew to be India, and not the India where I was often advised by the cousins to escape - a big city called Calcutta. Most of the extended family members started migrating to Agartala.

I could gradually feel the difference. The Muslim royats either failed to pay their land rents in grain or cash; they declined to provide begar (voluntary) service to our family lands and orchards. Some low caste Hindus also started avoiding us. The village barber living on our land started charging two annas for a haircut. The carpenter, our retainer, showed reluctance to attend to repair works.

However, Mukund Majhi and his daughter Rani continued to be loyal and my friendship with Rani grew through several, mostly funny, incidents. In Bhairab market, the Marwari business community paid respect to father and uncles. But they started winding up their business.
The first five-storeyed building in the market was constructed by a Muslim - Madhu Mian. He did not invite my father and uncle for the inaugural ceremony. It was an open act of defiance against the authority of the zamindars.

Most Hindus stopped visiting Muslim homes during religious kawali and murshedi song ceremonies. The Muslims stopped participating in the worship of village deities like Manasa (Goddess of Snakes) and Shitala (Goddess of Small Pox), which were held in Hindu homes. New Imams dictated that all Muslims must learn Urdu and must attend namaj five times a day. Our school curricula also included a course in Urdu - Pakistan’s national language.

Amidst such revolutionary changes, some relief came in the form of the Wilson family, who came to stay with us in our almost deserted homestead. Hubert Wilson was the new stationmaster at Bhairab. His wife Preeti, daughter Manorama and son Jackson lodged in the northern court building. Manorama was a delightful Anglo-Indian girl. She introduced me to the world of English, books, newspapers, radio and storytelling. The sprightly girl brought in revolution in my life - a life different from the one I experienced with Lutfa, Rani and Jasim.

On August 15, 1947, Manorama unfurled an Indian Tri-colour on the porch of the eastern court building, and lined us up and taught us to sing Bande Mataram. That night Dhala Mian, a former serf of the family, followed by fifty odd people attacked our house, pulled down the tri-colour and mounted a Pakistani flag. Manorama protested. Dhala and his gang physically dishonoured her, and in the process, I received a stunning thrashing too. After the incident Manorama tried to commit suicide. It was averted. The Wilsons left our place for the safety of Calcutta and I was plunged again in the realm of darkness.

Came 1950. Father was still adamant. He had sent my older brother to Calcutta for further studies. But he was determined to stay put at Kamalpur and be with ‘his people.’ But February 1950 broke out as another Holocaust, with Hindus being killed in East Pakistan like chicken and rabbits. Father was out somewhere near Dhaka for a meeting. Uncle urged us to accompany him to the safety of Brahmanbaria for a short period as there were reports of our house being a target of Bihari marauders.

The train we boarded was attacked by hoards of Bihari Muslims; they robbed and killed the Hindus and pushed them out of the train. Uncle Birendra was also a victim, but he was not stabbed. I managed to get out of the train with my mother and take shelter in the house of a relative. Uncle was rescued by some local people. Father returned and took us back home.
He finally decided to leave the village for the safety of India - a new India we were not prepared to encounter. That India was a vague uncertain name and held out no promise of a healthy new beginning. We envisioned chaos.

In September 1950, we took the train to India via Agartala, now a part of India. The journey was horrific, and we were under constant attack from Muslim mobs. We were robbed by our own Hindu servant.

Through a bloodied path, we reached Agartala and finally took a flight to Calcutta only to earn the honorific of “refugee” – destitute. Millions were on streets, railway platforms, and wherever they could pitch a plastic cover.

We were fortunate to have a relative to give us temporary shelter. However, my eldest sibling did not live up to his parents’ expectations. His evolution probably stood somewhere between animal instinct and human sublimation.

Father was maltreated by his oldest son. He was not equipped to restart his
life. The partition had crippled him. He missed poetry, songs and social service. He suddenly suffered from penury. I could not get a berth in any school, as my brother was more interested in pushing me to a job at the age of eleven.

Suffering from neglect, my father expired in 1952 January, but bequeathed me a gift of Rs. 50 and asked me to get admitted in a school. Three days after his death, I forced a cousin to take me to a small school, with no reputation.

But it was a school. That was a new beginning. As I look back, the partition was very painful for the Bengali people. It was more painful to me; I lost my father who understood me, and whom I appreciated most. I still miss the East Bengal countryside and the Bengali identity. But I am happy I inherited the Bedouin blood of my father.

I wish the political leaders of the day had not committed the blunder of partitioning the country on the basis of religion. It is hurting us even today and will likely hurt in future as well.

==
Maloy Krishna Dhar started life off as a junior reporter for Amrita Bazaar Patrika in Calcutta and a part-time lecturer. He joined the Indian Police Service in 1964 and was permanently seconded to the Intelligence Bureau.

During his long stint in the Bureau, Dhar saw action in almost all Northeastern states, Sikkim, Punjab and Kashmir. He also handled delicate internal political and several counterintelligence assignments. After retiring in 1996 as joint director, he took to freelance journalism and writing books. Titles credited to him are Open Secrets-India's Intelligence Unveiled, Fulcrum of Evil — ISI, CIA, al-Qaeda Nexus, and Mission to Pakistan. Maloy is considered a top security analyst and a social scientist who tries to portray Indian society through his writings.

Friday, April 30, 2010

49 Million Hindus Missing From Bangladesh Census

Explosive Book by SUNY Professor Gives New Light to the Indian Partition Story !!!

Empire's Last Casualty : Indian Subcontinent's Vanishing Hindu and Other Minorities

A study of effects of religious communalism on a pluralistic, tolerant, multi-religious society. It focuses on the loss of indigenous, Hindu population from die land of their ancestors; and on changes brought about since a multi-religious progressive region of Colonial British India was partitioned in 1947, and its effects on Hindu and nun-Muslim (Buddhist and Christian) minorities, on pluralism and on indigenous cultures.

After Britain's Muslim-Hindu partition of Bengal Province Past Bengal became Muslim-majority East Pakistan, a part of Islamic Republic of Pakistan, unleashing regular, merciless anti-Hindu pogroms by intolerant Islamists. West Bengal remained in India, with Muslim minority and ever-growing massive Bengali Hindu refugee who turned towards left extremism.

Following a 1971 war of independence against West Pakistan, Bangladesh gained independence, creating the second largest Muslim-majority nation. That war was concurrently anti-Hindu anti-Bengali genocide by Islamic Republic's army and its Bengali and Urdu speaking Islamist allies.

The book documents the decade-wise "missing" Hindus from Bangladesh Census: over 49 million; larger than 163 of 189 nations listed in World Bank's April 2003 World Development indicators database-and over 3.1 million (larger than 75 of 189 nations) Hindus lost their lives through the process of Islamization.

Documenting three million-plus lost lives have been painful and difficult; especially when Hindus cremate their dead. Additionally rivers of the world's largest delta washed away signs of mass murder leaving no clue. All attempts have been made to justify the data presented in the book, hardly-known to the world and rarely discussed in Bengal itself.

-----------About the Author

Dr. Sachi (Sabyasachi) Ghosh Dastidar is a Distinguished Service Professor of the State University of New York at Old Westbury. He has taught in the U.S., Kazakhstan and India. He has also worked in Florida, Tennessee and West Bengal. Dastidar was an elected Board Member of a New York City School district making him the first Bengali-American to hold a popularly elected position in the U.S.

Sachi Dastidar has authored seven books, A Aamaar Desh, (1998), Regional Disparities and Regional Development Planning of West Bengal with Shefali S. Dastidar (1990), Central Asian Journal of Management, Economics and Social Research (2000) and Living Among the Believers (2006). He has written over 100 articles, short stories and travelogues.

His awards include Senior Fulbright Award, Distinguished Service Professor of the State University of New York, and honors from New York City Comptroller, NYC Council Speaker, Residents of Mahilara, Madaripur and Uzirpur, all of Bangladesh, Assam Buddhist Vihar, and from Kazakhstan Institute. He has traveled to over 63 countries in all seven continents including Antarctica.

Probini Foundation (www.prohini.urg) that his wife and he founded helps educated the orphaned and the poor in 18 institutions in Bangladesh, West Bengal and Assam.

Price:

$ 29 (U.S.)

ISBN: 81-7102-151-4